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Saturday, 23 April 2016

Investigate Fashola & Amaechi Now - Femi Fani-Kayode


Femi Fani-Kayode the former Aviation Minister, has demanded investigation into the former Lagos State governor, Babatunde Raji Fashola and the former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi. Femi maintained that both Governors were responsible for the funding of President Muhammadu Buhari’s campaign for the 2015 general elections.
According to news agency, Punch’s report, Femi Fani-Kayode maintained that the two former governors are now Federal ministers noting that Amaechi who was the Director-General of Buhari’s Campaign Organisation was indicted by a Judicial Commission of Inquiry on the basis that he diverted states fund into Buhari’s campaign. He added that nothing happened as regards the case except him (Amaechi) being rewarded with a ministerial appointment.
Femi also said that Amaechi on March 19, 2016 during the re-run of the Rivers state election transported the sum of N5 billion to the state adding that the EFCC had since overlooked the act. Femi further questioned the source of the N5 billion and its purpose adding that the EFCC had chosen to leave the guilty and prosecute the innocent.

Read more at http://www.theheraldng.com/

National Assembly clerk’s appointment reversed by Saraki


Senate President, Bukola Saraki, on Friday, ordered the immediate reversal of the appointment of Mr. Mohammed Sani-Omolori as the Acting Clerk to the National Assembly.
Saraki, who is also the Chairman of the National Assembly, has therefore directed the withdrawal of the letter of appointment already issued to Sani-Omolori.
This is contained in a memorandum entitled, “Withdrawal of letter of appointment of Acting Clerk of the National Assembly”, dated April 22, 2016, and obtained by our correspondent.
The development, according to some National Assembly sources, would definitely create a major division in the bureaucracy of the federal parliament.
The letter was addressed to the Executive Chairman, National Assembly Service Commission, Dr. Adamu Fika, and signed by Chief of Staff to the Senate President, Senator Isa Galaudu.
Sani-Omolori was appointed on Tuesday to replace Alhaji Salisu Maikasuwa, who is scheduled to proceed on terminal leave on May 14, 2016.
There has been an uneasy calm among parliamentary staff since the appointment of Sani- Omolori.
The parliamentary staff had argued that seniority was not followed in the appointment.
Saraki, in his letter, questioned how the Commission ignored the directive that it should follow due process and ensure that seniority was adhered to in the appointment of a new clerk of the National Assembly.
He said the Commission, had also ignored the directive that the Deputy Clerk to the National Assembly, Mr. Benedict Efeturi, who had acted as the Clerk of the National Assembly, should be the first to be considered.
The letter reads, “We present to you the compliments of the President of the Senate and Chairman of the National Assembly, Distinguished Senator, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki, CON.
“Please recall that during your last meeting with the President of the Senate on April 20, 2016, the procedure of the appointment of the Acting Clerk of the National Assembly was discussed.
“The Commission was directed to follow due process and ensure that seniority is adhered to. Of course, Mr. Benedict Efeturi, who is the Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly, and who has previously acted as the Clerk of the National Assembly, should be the first to be considered.
“Most importantly, you have been directed to confer with the President of the Senate the outcome of the Commission’s meeting before a letter of appointment is issued and regrettably, that did not happen.
“The President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives were informed that Mr. Efeturi was not considered for the appointment because he was not duly appointed as Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly.
“On further enquiries, we found he was duly appointed by the National Assembly Service Commission.
“Consequently, I am directed by His Excellency, the President of the Senate, to inform you that the letter appointing Mr. Sani-Omolori as Acting Clerk of the National Assembly be withdrawn immediately for further consultations.”
Our correspondent learnt that the failure of the National Assembly Service Commission to follow seniority in the appointment of the Acting Clerk, was capable of causing serious bureaucratic crisis in the federal parliament.
A senior management staff said, “This is an affront on the guiding principles of the appointment and promotion in the National Assembly.
“Even if Efeturi was not going to be appointed on the grounds of seniority and the fact that he is Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly, reasons should have been provided by the appointing authorities in order not to create bad blood in the system.”

The civil servant, who is an assistant director, added that it was not clear how the issue would be resolved.

Read more at http://www.punchng.com/

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Why EFCC Must Explain their reason for Dropping Corruption Charges Against CCT Chairman

We have been following events in the ongoing trial of the Senate President with keen interest. We are delighted to see that the Senate President is finally standing trial for alleged breaches of the Code of conduct Act despite all the preliminary objections raised by the defence against the trial. It is healthy for our democracy. Nothing else has reinforced the common man’s belief in the rule of law than the sight of a Senate President in the dock.
However, the most curious event so far in the entire episode was the decision of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to drop the corruption charges against the Chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT).
Just when Nigerians were trying to make up their minds if the anti-corruption crusade of the current government is a sincere campaign or a political witch hunt aimed at whipping perceived political enemies into line, the events in the Saraki trial have removed any doubt as to the true colouration of the campaign.
In specific terms, we would like to state unequivocally that the EFCC’s decision to drop such serious charges against a public officer is suspicious. It is even more so when the charges are dropped in the prevailing circumstance of the Saraki trial. Indeed, Nigerians have noted that the CCT chairman began to work doubly hard to hasten Saraki’s troubles following that EFCC decision.
There is a video in circulation on social media that betrays the CCT’s judge hostility to Saraki’s team. It shows how the CCT Chairman was asking Saraki’s lawyer to sit down, in a personal and confrontational manner unbefitting for Umar’s position , effectively depriving the Senate President of fair hearing. We are forced to ask the question that has been on most people’s lips: what level of horse trading has happened between Umar and the forces against Saraki? Could the newfound zest evident in Umar’s handling of the Saraki case be linked to the EFCC’s decision to drop the corruption case against Umar, especially given Umar’s aggression toward Saraki happened just after the EFFC’s publicised ‘pardon’? We call the EFCC and indeed the FG come clean on such coincidence in the Saraki trial.
While we believe that the anti corruption war must go on unhindered, but we cannot fold our hands and watch state institutions like EFCC dabble into any back room politics or “rub my back, I rub your back” judgement pact with CCT Chairman Danladi against an accused person.
EFCC owes the public a duty to explain why they have to drop the case against Danladi Umar at such a crucial stage of the Senate President’s trial.

Nurudeen Agoro
Spokesperson
Come Clean Nigeria

comecleanng.com

Saraki on why opposing a Muslim-Muslim Presidential election ticket was his original sin.

My dear brother Dele, let me thank you most sincerely for your article last weekend, “My Candid Letter to Saraki.” I take everything you said in that article to heart and I must commend you for your candidness indeed and the sincerity of your intentions.
As you said in your article, you are someone I have known more by reputation than by any personal relationship, until recently when we struck up some personal acquaintance based on our shared political interests, especially during the last presidential election. However, I understand why you had to sound so defensive for knowing me at all and had to publicly map the boundaries of our relationship. We have got to that point in our country when we no longer believe that anyone could stand for anything based on principles and convictions alone. Moreover, in the growing culture of media crucifixion and presumed guilt; it is rare to find a voice like yours that calls for fairness and justice.
I would have simply sent you a text message or call you up for your candid advice to me, which I take seriously. But I feel the need to make some clarifications on some of the issues you raised. One of them was that in seeking to be Senate President, I struck a deal with the PDP and made it possible for one of them to be the Deputy Senate President. I know this is the dominant narrative out there, but it is far from the truth.
I did not do any deal with the PDP. I did not have to because even before the PDP Senators as a group took the decision to support my candidature on the eve of the inauguration of the 8th Senate, 22 PDP Senators had already written a letter supporting me. What I did not envisage was a situation where some members of my party would not be in the chambers that day, especially when the clerk had already received a proclamation from the President authorizing the inauguration of the Senate. Pray, if a team refused to turn up for a scheduled match and was consequently walked over, would it be fair to blame the team that turned up and claimed victory? I believe those that made it possible for PDP to claim the DSP position were those who decided to hold a meeting with APC senators elsewhere at the time they ought to be in the chambers. What the PDP Senators did was to take advantage of their numerical strength at the material time. They simply lined up behind Senator Ike Ikweremadu while those of us from APC voted for Senator Ali Ndume. It was a game of numbers, and we were hopelessly outnumbered. If the PDP had nominated their own candidate for the Senate Presidency position that day, they would have won. It was as simple as that.
Secondly, I don’t know if you were aware that in the build up to Senate inauguration, the National Working Committee of the APC sent two signals. The first signal specified how leadership positions in the National Assembly have been zoned. While we were trying to give effect to this decision, the second signal came, which contained names of people to which these zoned position had been allocated. What was not acknowledged was that the President of the Senate is not an executive president. He is primarily one of 109 senators. Therefore, I cannot decide by myself who gets what in the Senate. Therefore, when they said I defied party directive in the choice of principal officers, they are invariably ascribing to me the power that I did not have.
My dear brother, most people talk about the Senate Presidency position, but this was not my only offence. I have also been accused of helping to frustrate some people’s opportunity to emerge as President Muhammadu Buhari’s running mate. But I have no problem with anybody. My concern was that it would not be politically smart of us to run with a Muslim-Muslim ticket. I doubt if we would have won the election if we had done this, especially after the PDP had successfully framed us a Muslim party. I felt we were no longer in 1993. Perhaps, more than ever before, Nigerians are more sensitive to issues of religious balancing. This, my brother, was my original sin. What they say to themselves, among other things, was that if he could conspire against our ambition, then he must not realize his own ambition as well. For me however, I have no regrets about this. I only stood for what I believed was in the best interest of the party and in the best interest of Nigeria.
Now to the substantive issue of my trial. As you rightly noted, this trial is not about corruption. And I am happy that since my trial started, people who have followed the proceedings have now understood better what the whole thing is about. I have had opportunity to declare my assets four times since 2003. Over those years, the Code of Conduct Bureau had examined my claims. There was no time that they raised any issues with me on any item contained in my declarations over those twelve years. This is why you should be surprised that while I am being tried by the Code of Conduct Tribunal, the witness and the evidence supplied against me were all from EFCC.
Like you, I have an abiding faith in the judiciary. May God forbid the day that we would give up on our judicial system. However, the onus is not on me to prove that I have confidence in the judiciary; the burden is on my prosecutors to prove to the world that justice is done in my case. If the process of fighting corruption is itself corrupt, then whatever victory is recorded would remain tainted and puerile!
Some people have wondered, why has Saraki been “jumping” from one court to another instead of facing his trial? To those people, I would say that I have only gone to those courts in search of justice. Strange things have happened, and they are still happening. For example, Section 3(d) of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act states that the Bureau shall refer any breach or non-compliance to the Tribunal. However, where the person concerned makes a written admission of the breach, no reference to the Tribunal shall be necessary. It was on this basis that the case against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was dismissed in 2011, by this same judge in this same Tribunal on the grounds that he was not given an opportunity to deny or admit to any breach before he was brought before the tribunal. This was the ruling that I relied on in making my case. But what did the judge say? That he had judged in error in 2011 and he had since realized his error and departed from it. My question is whether a Tribunal of first instance has the power to reverse itself. I should expect that everyone would be worried if justice is applied differently to different people. However, in spite of my fears, I remain hopeful. Why? Because the judiciary does not end with this Tribunal.
Do you know the genesis of my real problems with President Goodluck Jonathan? I have had a touchy relationship with him, but the turning point was in September 2011 when I moved a motion on the floor of the Senate that exposed the N2.3 trillion fuel subsidy racket. I remain proud that I was the senator that blew the lid on the most elaborate corruption scheme ever in this country. But after that I became a marked man. My security was withdrawn. I was invited and re-invited by the EFCC and the Special Fraud Unit. I was even declared wanted at a point. I believe I am still one of the most investigated former governors in this country. I have no doubt that if the Jonathan government was able to find anything against me, they would not have allowed me to go unpunished.
Let me make this point clearly. I do not expect to be shielded from prosecution because of my contribution to APC, if there was genuine basis for such action to be taken against me. But I have every reason to expect not to be persecuted by the party that I contributed so much to build. The New PDP may not have given APC victory in 2015, but it was an important factor in the dynamics that produced that victory. And with all sense of modesty, I was an important factor in the formation of New PDP; in leading that group to the APC; in ensuring our group’s support for the candidate during the primaries and in mobilizing substantial resources for the election. For these, I have not expected any special compensation. Rather, I only expect to be treated like every loyal party member and accorded the right to freely aspire!
Some people have complained that I have been taken Senators with me to my trial. But I did not force them to follow me. The Senators have freely accompanied me to the Tribunal not because they are loyal to me as Abubakar Bukola Saraki, but because they are committed to the principle that produced me as the President of the Senate. The same principle that produced Ike Ekweremadu as Deputy Senate President and produced Ali Ndume as Majority Leader. They see all of us in the Senate leadership as manifestation of their jealously guarded right to freely choose their own leaders. Because they know they made us their leaders without any external interference; they are confident that they retain the power to remove us whenever they so wish. They also know what this trial is all about. They believe I am being victimized because they have expressed their right to choose their own leadership. This is why I am not in any way perturbed by my absence in the chambers during this trial. Because I was not imposed on the Senate, I feel confident that the Senate will protect its own choice whether I am present or not. It is never about me. It is about the independence of the legislature. It has always been so since 1999. It is so today and it would be so in 2019, it would be so in 2023, and as long as we practice a democracy that operates on the principle of separation of powers.
My dear brother, let me end by observing that I am not alone in this trial. On trial with me in this process is the entire judicial system. On trial with me are our entire anti-corruption institutions and our avowed commitment to honestly fight corruption. On trial with me is our party’s promise to depart from the ways of the past, a promise that Nigerians voted for. And I dare say, on trial with me is our media; and their ethical commitment to report fairly and objectively. In the end, it is my earnest hope that whatever we do will ultimately ennoble our country.
Dr. Bukola Saraki is President of the Senate, Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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Friday, 22 April 2016

President Idriss Deby of Chad wins fifth term in Office


President Idriss Deby  of Chad has won the presidential electon... for the fifth time. Chad’s prime minister called for calm Friday after president Idriss Deby was declared winner of an election the opposition said was marred by widespread fraud.
Deby won 61.56 percent of the vote in the April 10 presidential election, followed by the opposition’s Saleh Kebzabo, who garnered 12.8 percent, according to provisional results released by the national election commission Thursday.
Gunfire rang out in N’Djamena through the night as Deby supporters and the ruling Patriotic Salvation Movement celebrated his victory on the vast city square opposite the presidential palace.